Thursday, 22 October 2026

The Island, the Silenced, and the Power of Storytelling: A Comparative and Critical Analysis of Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe and J. M. Coetzee’s Foe



Introduction: 



Literature does not always acquire new meaning by introducing an entirely new story. Sometimes, a familiar narrative becomes more complicated when another writer returns to it, changes its perspective, and questions the assumptions that readers previously accepted. Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719) and J. M. Coetzee’s Foe (1986) offer an important example of this process. Defoe’s novel follows an Englishman who becomes stranded on an island and gradually develops the skills necessary to survive. Through physical labour, practical intelligence, religious reflection, and the organisation of natural resources, Crusoe transforms an unfamiliar environment into a place he can control. His experiences eventually become a story of survival, personal development, and return to society. However, the novel also reflects the commercial, religious, and colonial assumptions of its historical period. 

Crusoe’s authority over the island and Friday is presented largely through his own understanding of the world, leaving limited space for alternative perspectives. More than two centuries later, Coetzee returns to this narrative but makes its apparent certainty difficult to maintain. In Foe, the central figure is Susan Barton, a woman who survives a shipwreck and encounters a castaway called Cruso and his silent companion Friday. Her experiences subsequently become the subject of a struggle over who has the right to tell a story and how that story should be presented to readers. Unlike Defoe’s confident narrator, Coetzee’s characters cannot establish a complete account of the events they have experienced. 

Cruso does not provide a satisfactory history of his life, Susan cannot fully understand Friday, and the writer Mr. Foe considers how her experiences might be transformed into a publishable narrative. The two novels therefore invite a comparison that goes beyond their shared island setting. They examine the relationship between survival and ownership, language and identity, colonial authority and cultural representation, and experience and authorship. 

This blog argues that while Robinson Crusoe constructs a largely coherent account of individual achievement, Foe questions the authority through which such accounts become convincing, particularly when the experiences of women and colonised people are represented by others. Reading the novels together encourages us to examine not only what a story tells us but also whose perspective shapes it, whose experiences remain uncertain, and what happens when a narrative cannot explain everything it contains.


The Island as a Place of Discovery and Control


One of the most significant features of Robinson Crusoe is the way the island gradually changes from a place of danger into an environment that Crusoe can organise according to his needs. When he first finds himself stranded, he must depend on his resourcefulness to obtain food, build shelter, and protect himself from the unfamiliar surroundings. He salvages materials from the wreck, establishes routines, cultivates crops, domesticates animals, and records his activities. These details make his survival appear to result from patience, practical intelligence, and disciplined labour. The island becomes a space in which he can demonstrate his abilities without relying directly on the society from which he has been separated. 

Nevertheless, his achievements also change his relationship with the place. Rather than remaining merely a person who has found a way to survive, Crusoe increasingly treats the island as his own territory. His work becomes connected to his assumption that he possesses the right to organise and control his surroundings. This relationship deserves critical attention because the ability to use land productively does not automatically establish an unquestionable right to possess it. Crusoe’s account rarely gives an alternative perspective the same authority that he gives his own experiences. 

Consequently, the island becomes meaningful primarily through the activities and interpretations of the person who narrates it. Coetzee complicates this relationship by presenting Cruso, whose activities do not reproduce Crusoe’s familiar pattern of productive achievement. Cruso has constructed terraces, but they are not cultivated because he lacks seeds. The structures therefore resemble agricultural development without producing its expected results. Unlike Defoe’s protagonist, Cruso does not appear particularly interested in improving his circumstances or recording his experiences for the future. His behaviour challenges the assumption that every castaway must turn isolation into an opportunity for progress. The terraces are especially significant because they separate the act of labour from the achievement normally used to justify it. They demonstrate effort, but their purpose remains uncertain. 

Coetzee thereby encourages readers to question the familiar association between productivity, progress, and authority. The comparison does not suggest that Crusoe’s work is meaningless or that survival requires no practical intelligence. Rather, it reveals that the meaning attached to labour depends on the perspective through which it is interpreted. What appears to be successful development in one narrative becomes an uncertain and incomplete activity in the other.


Colonialism, Property, and the Construction of Civilisation


The relationship between land and authority becomes more complicated when Crusoe’s activities are considered within the historical context of European colonial expansion. Before reaching the island, Crusoe has already participated in commercial activities and become a plantation owner in Brazil. His involvement in slavery is an important part of his background, and his voyage towards the procurement of enslaved Africans precedes the shipwreck that leaves him stranded. His identity as an apparently independent individual is therefore connected to a wider economic world in which freedom, property, and labour are distributed unequally. 

The island provides him with a new setting, but it does not completely separate him from the assumptions of the society in which he previously lived. His methods of organising resources and exercising control resemble the logic through which colonial territories were claimed, cultivated, and incorporated into European economic systems. Crusoe’s achievements appear to demonstrate his ability to create order from disorder, yet the authority he establishes is based largely on his own understanding of what order should look like. His relationship with Friday further reveals how cultural differences become connected to unequal social positions. 

Crusoe identifies himself as the person who possesses knowledge, teaches appropriate behaviour, and determines how the island should be organised. Friday, in contrast, enters a relationship in which his previous identity and cultural background receive limited attention. This arrangement raises a question about the meaning of civilisation: does it describe an exchange between different cultures, or does it sometimes become a language through which one culture justifies its authority over another? Coetzee’s novel makes this question more difficult to ignore. 

Cruso does not represent the confident European figure who transforms an unfamiliar territory into a successful personal domain. His activities offer no straightforward evidence of improvement, and his unwillingness to explain his past weakens the reader’s ability to construct a complete account of his achievements. The island becomes a place where the usual relationship between possession and productivity is no longer secure. This difference is important because colonial authority frequently presents itself as beneficial, suggesting that the person exercising power is introducing order, development, or civilisation. By disrupting the familiar pattern of achievement, Coetzee invites readers to examine the assumptions through which such claims become persuasive. 

The comparison between the novels therefore reveals that survival, ownership, and the right to govern are distinct questions, even when a narrative presents them as parts of a single process of individual success.


Religion, Language, and Friday’s Identity


Religion and language play a significant role in shaping the relationship between Crusoe and Friday. Throughout Robinson Crusoe, religious reflection helps the protagonist interpret his experiences. Crusoe increasingly understands his survival through the idea of Christian providence, treating his difficulties as opportunities for repentance, spiritual development, and a better understanding of his relationship with God. This religious framework gives his story a moral structure: suffering becomes something that can be interpreted, while survival appears to have a larger purpose. 

When Crusoe introduces Friday to Christianity, he regards religious instruction as part of his responsibility towards someone whom he considers culturally and spiritually inferior. However, the encounter is not presented as an equal exchange between two independent belief systems. Crusoe determines what Friday should learn, and the narrative gives considerably more attention to Crusoe’s interpretation of their relationship than to Friday’s earlier religious or cultural life. Language reinforces this inequality. Crusoe gives Friday a new name based on the day on which they meet and teaches him English. 

The name allows Crusoe to identify Friday within his own system of understanding, but it also replaces the possibility of discovering the identity through which Friday understood himself before their encounter. Friday’s increasing ability to communicate with Crusoe does not remove the unequal relationship between them because Crusoe remains the person who determines the conditions of their interaction. In Foe, Coetzee makes this problem central by presenting Friday as a character who cannot speak. Cruso tells Susan that Friday’s tongue has been cut out, but the novel does not provide an independently verified account of the violence or its precise circumstances. 

Susan attempts to understand Friday’s past and teach him to write, yet his marks do not produce a clear narrative that she can confidently interpret. His dancing, music, gestures, and other bodily expressions also invite different explanations without establishing a single definitive meaning. Friday’s silence can be understood in relation to colonial violence and the historical exclusion of marginalised people from recognised forms of expression. However, it would be too simple to claim that his silence represents only oppression or that it necessarily constitutes a deliberate act of resistance. The novel leaves his intentions and experiences partly inaccessible. This uncertainty is central to Coetzee’s criticism of representation: the inability to explain another person completely does not mean that the person lacks a history or an identity. 

It means that the observer must recognise the limits of their own knowledge. By refusing to make Friday’s experience entirely available to the other characters, Coetzee challenges the assumption that communication gives one person unrestricted access to another person’s inner life.


Susan Barton, Gender, and the Right to Tell One’s Own Story


Susan Barton introduces a further dimension to the comparison because her experiences challenge the male-centred structure of the traditional adventure narrative. In Robinson Crusoe, the protagonist’s decisions, ambitions, labour, and religious reflections determine the direction of the story. Coetzee, however, places a woman at the centre of the narrative and makes her struggle for recognition an important part of the plot. Susan has experienced displacement and shipwreck, and she wants her experiences to be recorded. Nevertheless, having experienced an event does not necessarily mean that she possesses the authority to determine how it will be represented. 

Her relationship with Mr. Foe reveals the difficulty of converting personal experience into an accepted literary narrative. Susan wants her account to remain faithful to what she remembers, whereas Foe considers how the material might be developed into a story that readers would find attractive. Their disagreement exposes the tension between testimony and literary invention. A writer may organise events, introduce narrative patterns, and create a satisfying structure, but these choices can also change the meaning of the experiences being represented. Foe’s position is therefore powerful because he can influence not only the language of the story but also the form in which Susan’s experiences become available to readers. 

Susan’s struggle can be interpreted through feminist criticism because it reveals the difficulties faced by a woman who wants control over her own narrative in a literary world shaped by male authority. However, Coetzee does not present Susan as an entirely uncomplicated alternative to Foe. Although she resists his attempts to reshape her story, she also tries to interpret Friday and determine what his experiences mean. Her desire to be heard does not automatically give her the right to speak conclusively on behalf of another person. This distinction makes the novel more complex than a simple opposition between a powerful man and an oppressed woman. 

Susan can occupy a marginal position in her relationship with Foe while simultaneously exercising interpretive authority over Friday. Her situation therefore connects feminist concerns with postcolonial questions about representation. 

The novel recognises the importance of allowing marginalised people to participate in the telling of their own stories, but it also warns against assuming that one person’s sympathetic intentions can resolve another person’s exclusion. Susan’s experience is significant precisely because it shows that the struggle for narrative authority does not end when a previously marginalised voice enters the story. The further question is whether that voice can be heard without reproducing the unequal structures through which other people have been represented.


Mr. Foe and the Problem of Literary Authorship


The character of Mr. Foe makes Foe an important example of metafiction, a literary technique through which a work draws attention to the process of its own construction. Rather than presenting Susan’s experience as a complete and self-explanatory narrative, Coetzee shows how difficult it is to turn experience into literature. Susan possesses personal knowledge of the events she describes, but she cannot guarantee that her account will become the version accepted by readers. 

Foe possesses the skills required to organise a narrative, yet he was not present for the island experiences he is asked to transform into a book. Friday, meanwhile, remains central to the history being reconstructed without having an equivalent opportunity to determine how that history will be told. These different positions reveal that authorship is not simply a matter of writing down events. It also involves the authority to select details, arrange experiences, create connections, and determine which aspects of a life will become meaningful to an audience. 

Foe’s interest in making Susan’s account into a satisfying story is understandable within the conventions of literary composition, but it becomes ethically troubling when the demands of narrative structure threaten to replace the experience being represented. This conflict also explains the importance of intertextuality in Coetzee’s novel. Foe depends on the reader’s familiarity with Robinson Crusoe, but it changes the earlier narrative by introducing Susan, presenting a different castaway, and making Friday’s silence central to the problem of storytelling. The later novel encourages readers to reconsider the assumptions that the earlier work made familiar. Its title is significant as well. 

Daniel Defoe was born Daniel Foe, while the ordinary word foe means an enemy. This creates a suggestive connection between the historical author, the fictional writer, and the possibility that a writer can become an adversary to the people whose experiences he seeks to control. The title should not be reduced to a single interpretation, but it reinforces the novel’s interest in the uneasy relationship between a story and the person who claims authority over it. Through metafiction, Coetzee makes readers aware that literature does not simply preserve reality in a transparent form. It constructs representations through particular choices, and those choices can determine whose experiences become visible and whose remain uncertain.


Postcolonial Theory: Representation, Language, and Power


The differences between the novels can be examined through postcolonial criticism, particularly the work of Edward Said, Frantz Fanon, Homi Bhabha, and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Said’s analysis of imperial representation helps explain how European accounts of other peoples and cultures can strengthen the authority of the observer. In Robinson Crusoe, Friday is largely understood through Crusoe’s cultural expectations, and the narrative gives limited space to an independent account of Friday’s earlier life. The island and its inhabitants are therefore represented through a perspective that places the European protagonist at the centre of interpretation. Fanon’s work on colonialism and language offers another useful perspective. 

Language can become more than a practical means of communication when one culture determines the terms through which another culture is recognised. Crusoe’s teaching of English to Friday takes place within an unequal relationship, so the acquisition of language does not automatically establish equality between the two characters. Bhabha’s concepts of ambivalence and hybridity help question the assumption that adopting another culture’s language or practices produces a simple, complete transformation of identity. Friday’s position cannot be explained merely by saying that he has accepted or rejected Crusoe’s culture, because the novel does not provide enough evidence to establish his internal experience with certainty. 

Spivak’s discussion of the subaltern is particularly relevant to Foe because it raises the problem of representing people whose access to recognised forms of speech and authority has been restricted. Susan may want to recover Friday’s history, but her interpretation cannot automatically be treated as equivalent to his own testimony. These theoretical approaches also connect with deconstruction, associated with Jacques Derrida, which encourages readers to question the assumptions underlying oppositions such as civilised and savage, master and servant, speech and silence, or truth and fiction. In Defoe’s narrative, such distinctions help organise Crusoe’s understanding of his world. Coetzee destabilises them by presenting a castaway whose achievements are uncertain, a woman whose experience cannot easily be transformed into a published story, and a silent character whose past remains inaccessible. 

Deconstruction does not mean that all distinctions are meaningless or that every interpretation is equally valid. Rather, it involves examining how distinctions are produced, what they exclude, and why one side receives greater authority than the other. These theories are useful because they connect the novels’ literary techniques with broader questions about colonial history, gender, identity, and knowledge. Their value lies in helping readers examine the evidence of the texts more carefully instead of treating theoretical concepts as labels that automatically explain every character.


The Ending of Foe: Silence Without a Complete Explanation


The ending of Foe brings the problem of representation to its most unsettling point. Unlike the relatively coherent movement towards rescue and return in Robinson Crusoe, Coetzee’s final section introduces an uncertain narrative perspective and a dreamlike encounter associated with a sunken ship. The boundaries between past and present, life and death, and physical experience and imaginative reconstruction become difficult to maintain. The narrator approaches Friday and focuses on his mouth, the part of his body associated throughout the novel with the absence of speech. 

What emerges from Friday is not a conventional explanation of his past but a stream that extends beyond the immediate scene. The imagery can suggest the sea, memory, historical suffering, and experiences that cannot be adequately expressed through ordinary language. However, the ending does not provide a final key that makes Friday completely understandable. Instead, it brings the reader into contact with the limits of interpretation. The image of Friday’s mouth is important because the novel repeatedly presents other characters attempting to understand him, teach him, interpret him, or recover his history. Yet the final encounter does not turn those attempts into a complete account of his experience. 

The reader is encouraged to recognise that the absence of an explanation is not the same as the absence of meaning. Friday’s silence has significance precisely because it exposes the limitations of the narrative structures through which the other characters seek to understand him. This also complicates the idea that giving a marginalised character a central position automatically resolves the problem of representation. Friday becomes central to the ending, but his history is not converted into a complete testimony that another character can claim to possess. Coetzee therefore refuses the comfort of a conventional conclusion in which all uncertainties are resolved and every character’s role becomes clear. 

The ending is not simply a mystery waiting to be solved; it is a literary challenge to the assumption that another person’s experiences can always be recovered through explanation. This is one of the most important differences between the novels. Defoe’s narrative creates a strong sense of order through Crusoe’s retrospective account, while Coetzee makes uncertainty an essential part of the reader’s encounter with the story. The result is not a rejection of historical understanding but a demand for greater responsibility when interpreting experiences that have been excluded from the dominant record.


Contemporary Relevance: Who Has the Authority to Represent Others?


The questions raised by Robinson Crusoe and Foe remain relevant because contemporary society continues to depend on narratives produced by individuals, institutions, media organisations, and digital platforms. Historical records, documentaries, news reports, and online discussions all involve decisions about what should be included, which voices should be prioritised, and whose interpretation will be treated as reliable. A detailed account may still be incomplete if it presents events exclusively through the perspective of those who possess authority. Similarly, a person may become the subject of extensive discussion without being given a meaningful opportunity to challenge the description being produced about them. 

This concern can also be extended to artificial intelligence, although neither Defoe nor Coetzee was writing about modern generative systems. AI-generated descriptions can appear fluent and authoritative, but fluency alone does not guarantee that the experiences of the people being described have been represented accurately. The comparison with Foe encourages us to ask what sources shape an account, which assumptions it repeats, and whether the people represented have meaningful influence over how their experiences are understood. An AI system is not identical to Mr. Foe, and a digital account is not automatically equivalent to a colonial narrative; the comparison is useful as an ethical extension rather than as a direct prediction made by Coetzee. Nevertheless, the central question remains important: does the ability to produce a convincing account give someone complete authority over the experience being represented? 

The two novels suggest that the answer must be approached cautiously. Writing can preserve knowledge and make overlooked experiences visible, but it can also organise those experiences according to the expectations of the person producing the account. Critical reading therefore requires more than accepting a narrative because it appears detailed or persuasive. It involves examining the evidence, recognising the position from which an account is produced, and remaining attentive to the experiences that it may not fully represent.


Conclusion: 


A comparative reading of Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe and J. M. Coetzee’s Foe demonstrates how the same basic narrative situation can produce different understandings of power and identity. Defoe presents a castaway whose practical intelligence, labour, religious reflection, and determination allow him to establish control over his environment. Yet his apparent independence is connected to a wider colonial and commercial world, and his relationship with Friday reveals how language, naming, and cultural assumptions can reinforce unequal social positions. Coetzee revisits this familiar narrative through Cruso’s uncertain achievements, Susan Barton’s struggle for control over her experiences, Friday’s silence, and Mr. Foe’s attempts to shape a publishable story. 

These changes challenge the assumption that the person who narrates an experience necessarily possesses the most complete or legitimate understanding of it. The novels also demonstrate that literary form influences meaning. Crusoe’s organised retrospective account gives his experiences a sense of coherence and authority, while Coetzee’s shifting narrative perspectives and ambiguous ending prevent the reader from believing that every experience can be transformed into a complete explanation. Postcolonial, feminist, and deconstructive approaches help us recognise the unequal relationships involved in the production of cultural knowledge and literary representation. At the same time, Friday’s silence warns against assuming that a critic can determine the meaning of a marginalised person’s experience without limitation. 

My central takeaway is that critical reading requires us to examine not only what a story communicates but also the authority through which it communicates, the perspectives it excludes, and the limits of our own interpretations. Coetzee’s rewriting of Defoe is important because it changes the questions readers ask of a familiar literary classic. It encourages us to recognise that the ability to organise land does not automatically establish the right to possess it, that the ability to speak does not guarantee an understanding of another person, and that the ability to write a story does not give the writer complete ownership of the experiences represented within it. 

Ultimately, the comparison teaches us to approach literature with both critical attention and interpretive humility. A story can preserve an experience, challenge established assumptions, and make hidden power relationships visible, but it cannot necessarily contain every aspect of the lives it describes. Recognising that limitation is not a failure of literary interpretation; it is an important part of reading responsibly.


References: 


  • Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. Rev. ed., Verso, 2006.
  • Bhabha, Homi K. The Location of Culture. Routledge, 1994.
  • Coetzee, J. M. Foe. Secker & Warburg, 1986.
  • Defoe, Daniel. Robinson Crusoe. 1719. Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2010.
  • Derrida, Jacques. Of Grammatology. Translated by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Johns Hopkins UP, 1976.
  • Fanon, Frantz. Black Skin, White Masks. Translated by Richard Philcox, Grove Press, 2008.
  • Said, Edward W. Orientalism. Vintage Books, 1979.
  • Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. “Can the Subaltern Speak?” Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, edited by Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg, University of Illinois Press, 1988, pp. 271–313.

Monday, 19 October 2026

The Commercialisation of Childhood: Family Vlogging, Kidfluencers, and the Politics of Digital Representation in India

This blog is part of an assignment for the Paper 205A: Cultural Studies


Paper 205A: Cultural Studies 


Assignment of Paper: 205A The Commercialisation of Childhood: Family Vlogging, Kidfluencers, and the Politics of Digital Representation in India 


Here is Infographic to describe this whole Assignment:



Table of Content : 


Academic Details 

Assignment Details  

The following information—numbers are counted using Quill Bot 

2. Keywords 

3. Research Questions 

4. Hypothesis 

5. Introduction 

6. Theoretical Framework: Cultural Studies, Representation, and Commodification 

6.1 Cultural Studies and the Construction of Childhood  

6.2 Representation, Identity, and Family Life

6.3 Commodification and the Digital Economy  

7. Family Vlogging and the Transformation of Everyday Life  

7.1 From Private Family Moments to Public Content 

7.2 Authenticity, Performance, and the Family Brand  

8. Kidfluencers and the Blurring of Play and Labour

8.1 Children's Participation and Digital Labour 

8.2 Consumption, Advertising, and the Marketable Child

9. The Indian Context: Culture, Family Values, and Digital Representation 

9.1 Indian Kidfluencers and Dominant Cultural Values 

9.2 Parental Authority, Privacy, and Children's Digital Identities 

10. Commercialisation, Media Power, and Ethical Responsibility

10.1 The Role of Brands, Platforms, and Parents 

10.2 Privacy, Children's Rights, and the Limits of Parental Consent

11. Contemporary Relevance and Critical Reflection 

12. Conclusion 

13. Works Cited


Academic Details 


  • Name: Sandhya Bhut 
  • Roll No.: 26 
  • Enrollment No.: 5108250004 
  • Sem.: 3 
  • Batch: 2025 - 2027 
  • E-mail: sandhyabhut06@gmail.com 


 Assignment Details 


  • Paper Name: Contemporary Western Theories and Film Studies 
  • Paper No.: 205A 
  • Paper Code: 22410 
  • Unit: 1 - Cultural Studies and its Four Goals
  • Topic: The Commercialisation of Childhood: Family Vlogging, Kidfluencers, and the Politics of Digital Representation in India 
  • Submitted To: Smt. Sujata Binoy Gardi, Department of English, Maharaja Krishnakumarsinhji Bhavnagar University 
  • Submitted Date: October 19, 2026 


The following information—numbers are counted using Quill Bot. 


  • Images: 1 
  • Words: 4146 
  • Characters: 30700 
  • Characters without spaces: 26553 
  • Paragraphs: 90 
  • Sentences: 257 
  • Reading time: 16m 35s 

Abstract 


The expansion of social media has transformed the ways in which families present themselves and their everyday experiences to public audiences. Family vlogging and kidfluencing have become important features of digital culture, bringing children's lives into online entertainment, advertising, and influencer marketing. Although these practices are frequently presented as expressions of family bonding, creativity, and parental pride, they also raise questions about the commercialisation of childhood, children's privacy, digital labour, and the power to represent young people. This assignment examines the relationship between family vlogging, kidfluencers, and the politics of digital representation in India through the perspective of Cultural Studies. Drawing on Stuart Hall's approach to representation, Raymond Williams's understanding of culture and everyday life, and research by Crystal Abidin, Devina Sarwatay, Catherine J. Archer and Kate Mirandilla Delmo, and other scholars, the study explores how ordinary family activities may acquire commercial value when they become recurring digital content. Particular attention is given to the relationship between parental authority, children's participation, consumer culture, and the construction of idealised family identities. The assignment argues that the commercialisation of childhood cannot be understood only as a question of online safety or parental responsibility. It must also be examined as a cultural process through which children's identities, family intimacy, and everyday experiences become resources within the digital economy. At the same time, the study recognises that family vlogging can involve genuine affection, creativity, and participation, and that commercialisation does not automatically establish exploitation. A critical Cultural Studies approach therefore makes it possible to investigate the unequal power relations and cultural meanings surrounding children's visibility without assuming that every family-vlogging practice is harmful.  


2. Keywords 

Cultural Studies, commercialisation of childhood, family vlogging, kidfluencers, digital representation, commodification, digital labour, consumer culture, parental authority, children's privacy. 

3. Research Questions 

  1. How does family vlogging transform ordinary domestic experiences into publicly circulated and potentially commercially valuable representations of childhood? 
  2. How can Cultural Studies explain the relationship between childhood representation, family identity, consumer culture, and digital commodification? 
  3. In what ways does children's participation in family-vlogging content blur the boundaries between play, entertainment, and digital labour? 
  4. How do parental authority, brand partnerships, and platform-based visibility influence the construction of children's digital identities in India? 
  5. What cultural, ethical, and social questions arise when family intimacy becomes part of a monetised digital environment? 

4. Hypothesis 

This research hypothesises that family vlogging and kidfluencing can transform ordinary family experiences into commercially valuable digital content by combining representations of childhood, parental affection, entertainment, and consumer culture. Within this process, children may become important participants in the construction of a family's online identity and commercial visibility, even when their participation is presented primarily as play or spontaneous family interaction. In the Indian context, these practices can also reproduce particular ideas about family values, consumption, religion, language, and desirable lifestyles. However, commercialisation does not automatically mean exploitation. Its implications depend on the nature of children's participation, the distribution of benefits and responsibilities, the treatment of privacy, and the power exercised by parents, advertisers, and digital platforms. 


5. Introduction 


Digital media have changed the relationship between private life and public representation. Activities that once remained within the household celebrating birthdays, preparing meals, shopping, playing games, travelling, or spending time with children—can now be recorded, edited, and circulated to large online audiences. Social media platforms allow families to share memories, communicate with viewers, and build recognisable online identities. However, when this content attracts substantial audiences or becomes connected to advertising, sponsorships, and monetisation, family life may acquire an additional economic function.

Family vlogging refers to the recurring documentation and publication of family experiences through video content. Kidfluencing, meanwhile, describes situations in which children become prominent online personalities whose visibility may be associated with brand partnerships, sponsorships, or other commercial opportunities. These practices overlap, but they are not identical. A family vlog may feature children without making them independent influencers, while a kidfluencer may develop a distinct online identity within or beyond a family account. Sharenting, the practice of parents sharing information or images of their children online, is another related phenomenon, although it does not necessarily involve commercial activity. 

The central concern of this assignment is the transformation of childhood into a form of digital representation that can carry cultural and economic value. When a child's birthday, daily routine, reaction to a product, or interaction with family members becomes part of a recurring content strategy, the distinction between private experience and public performance may become difficult to maintain. Such content can communicate affection and preserve memories, but it can also attract attention, promote consumer goods, strengthen a family brand, and contribute to commercial visibility. Crystal Abidin's research on family influencers provides an important starting point for understanding this relationship. Her discussion of “calibrated amateurism” examines how family influencers present content in ways that maintain an appearance of ordinary, spontaneous, and authentic family life while participating in the wider influencer economy (Abidin). The significance of this idea is that commercial content does not always appear as conventional advertising. It may be integrated into activities that audiences recognise as everyday family experiences. 

The Indian context makes this question particularly important. In her study of Indian kidfluencers, Devina Sarwatay examines selected profiles and popular videos, showing how parental management, brand collaborations, language, religious identities, and family values can contribute to the construction of children's online identities (Sarwatay). Her research demonstrates that Indian kidfluencer culture must be understood in relation to existing cultural values as well as the economic opportunities and risks associated with digital visibility. This assignment approaches the subject through Cultural Studies rather than treating it exclusively as a question of parenting or online safety. 

It investigates how childhood is represented, how family intimacy can acquire commercial value, and how power operates through the production and circulation of digital content. It also considers the ethical implications of involving children in commercial media environments. The central argument is that the commercialisation of childhood is not simply a matter of children appearing in online videos. It concerns the cultural and economic conditions under which children's identities, relationships, and everyday experiences may become resources for entertainment, audience engagement, and consumer marketing.  

6. Theoretical Framework: Cultural Studies, Representation, and Commodification 

6.1 Cultural Studies and the Construction of Childhood 


Cultural Studies examines the relationship between culture, meaning, identity, power, and everyday social practices. Rather than treating culture as limited to literature, art, or formal institutions, it also investigates ordinary activities, media representations, consumer practices, and the values through which people understand their lives. Family vlogging is relevant to this approach because it converts everyday experiences into representations intended for public audiences. A family meal, a shopping trip, or a child's celebration may become more than a private event when it is recorded, edited, titled, and presented as online entertainment. The event acquires meaning through the choices involved in its representation and through the ways audiences interpret it. Raymond Williams's Marxism and Literature provides a useful foundation for considering the relationship between culture and material social life. His approach helps situate cultural meanings within wider social and economic relations rather than treating representations as isolated images or messages (Williams). 

From this perspective, family-vlogging content can be examined as a cultural practice shaped by the conditions of digital production and circulation. The videos may communicate affection, family belonging, and shared memories, but they also exist within platforms where visibility, audience attention, and commercial opportunities can become important. A Cultural Studies approach therefore asks not only what a family video shows, but also how its meaning is constructed, what social values it communicates, and what economic relationships shape its circulation. 



6.2 Representation, Identity, and Family Life Stuart Hall's Representation: 


Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices is central to understanding how media construct meanings about social life. Representation is not simply the neutral reproduction of an already existing reality. Through images, language, narrative, and cultural conventions, representations help establish how people and experiences are understood (Hall). This perspective is particularly relevant to the representation of children online. A child appearing in a family vlog may be represented as playful, innocent, talented, fashionable, humorous, emotionally expressive, or knowledgeable about consumer products. These representations can shape audience expectations about childhood and the ideal family.

For example, a video featuring a child's birthday celebration may emphasise family affection and togetherness. If the video also prominently displays gifts, branded products, or sponsored activities, the representation may connect emotional belonging with consumption. The commercial significance does not necessarily cancel the affection represented in the video. Instead, both meanings may operate together. The representation of childhood can also contribute to the construction of a family's public identity. Parents may be represented as caring, modern, entertaining, successful, or culturally rooted, while children's participation becomes part of the family's recognisable online image. The important question is not whether every representation is false or deliberately manipulative. Rather, it is how particular versions of childhood become visible, attractive, and repeatable. Hall's framework enables the assignment to investigate how digital media produce meanings about family life and how these meanings intersect with consumer culture. 


6.3 Commodification and the Digital Economy 


Commodification refers to the process through which something acquires value within an economic exchange or market relationship. In the context of family vlogging, childhood itself is not literally identical to a commodity. However, children's visibility, participation, performances, and relationships may contribute to content that attracts audiences and commercial opportunities. Devina Sarwatay's study directly addresses the relationship between Indian kidfluencers, commodification, consumption, and dominant culture. Her research indicates that children's online visibility may be connected to parental management, brand collaborations, and the reproduction of cultural values (Sarwatay). This relationship can be understood through three connected processes. 

First, children's everyday activities become representational material. Ordinary experiences may be selected, recorded, and edited into content. Second, the content can acquire audience value. Viewers may return because they recognise a family, enjoy a child's personality, or feel connected to recurring family narratives. Third, audience attention can create commercial opportunities. Depending on the account and platform, these may include advertising, sponsorships, product promotion, or other forms of monetisation. 

These processes do not prove that every child featured online is exploited. They demonstrate why children's digital visibility must be examined in relation to the economic structures surrounding content production. The concept of commodification is therefore useful because it shifts the discussion from the simple presence of children online to the conditions under which their representation may generate value.


7. Family Vlogging and the Transformation of Everyday Life 



7.1 From Private Family Moments to Public Content 


Family vlogging changes the relationship between domestic experience and public visibility. Events that previously belonged primarily to family members can become accessible to audiences who have no personal relationship with the people being recorded. This transformation raises an important Cultural Studies question: what happens when everyday family life becomes material for repeated public representation? 

A family celebration, a child's first day at school, a shopping trip, or a routine conversation can be selected for publication because it offers entertainment, emotional appeal, or audience interest. Through editing and presentation, the activity becomes part of a larger narrative about the family's identity. The process can also influence which experiences receive attention. Events that appear visually interesting, emotionally engaging, or commercially useful maybe more likely to be included in public content. Other aspects of family life may remain unseen. This does not mean that family vloggers necessarily fabricate their experiences. Rather, public representation always involves selection. A video cannot contain the entirety of everyday life, and the choice of what to include shapes the image audiences receive. Abidin's work on family influencers helps explain how ordinary family life can be presented through an aesthetic of apparent authenticity (Abidin). The everyday quality of the content can become part of its appeal: viewers may feel that they are witnessing genuine family relationships rather than watching a conventional advertisement. 

However, when such content is commercially valuable, the distinction between sharing a memory and producing media content becomes more complex. A private experience can simultaneously be an emotional event for a family and a public representation capable of attracting attention. The central issue is therefore not that family life should never be shared. It is that the conditions of sharing change when a child's experiences become part of a continuing media presence. 



7.2 Authenticity, Performance, and the Family Brand 


Authenticity is an important element of influencer culture. Audiences often value content that appears natural, personal, and emotionally sincere. Family-vlogging videos may gain appeal because viewers perceive them as glimpses into ordinary domestic life. Abidin's concept of calibrated amateurism is useful here. It draws attention to the ways influencer content can retain the appearance of informality while becoming part of a recognisable production and promotional practice (Abidin). The appearance of spontaneity does not necessarily mean that an event has been staged. It means that a representation can be carefully selected and edited while still appearing ordinary to viewers. This distinction matters when children's participation becomes part of a family's public identity. 

A child's expressions, humour, excitement, or interactions with parents may contribute to the content's emotional appeal. Repeated over time, these representations can become recognisable features of the family brand. A family brand is not necessarily a formal business with a registered identity. It can also refer to the recognisable image a family develops through recurring content, audience relationships, and promotional activities. Commercial content can therefore become integrated into apparently ordinary family experiences. A product may appear during play, a shopping trip may become a promotional video, or a celebration may include a brand partnership. 

The important analytical question is how the relationship between family affection and commercial promotion is represented. Audiences may understand the content as entertaining, personal, promotional, or a combination of these. A Cultural Studies analysis should not automatically assume that authenticity is entirely false. Instead, it should investigate how authenticity becomes a cultural resource through which family content attracts attention and potentially acquires commercial value. 



8. Kidfluencers and the Blurring of Play and Labour 


8.1 Children's Participation and Digital Labour 


One of the central questions in kidfluencer culture is whether children's participation should be understood exclusively as play or whether it can also constitute labour. Children may enjoy acting, performing, reviewing products, participating in family videos, or communicating with audiences. Their enjoyment should not automatically be dismissed as artificial. Nevertheless, enjoyable activity can also contribute to the production of commercially valuable content. Catherine J. Archer and Kate Mirandilla Delmo examine this tension through the concept of “playbour,” which connects play with labour in children's participation as social media influencers (Archer and Delmo). The concept is valuable because it challenges the assumption that an activity cannot involve labour if a child appears to enjoy it. 

For example, a child may enthusiastically demonstrate a toy in a video. The activity may be entertaining and enjoyable, but the recording may also promote the product, attract viewers, and contribute to the commercial identity of the account. The two dimensions can coexist. Play may remain meaningful to the child while also serving a commercial purpose. Rotimi, Yap, and Wooliscroft similarly identify tensions within child-influencer culture, including the relationship between play and labour, children's autonomy and parental control, and privacy and online success (Rotimi et al.). 

These tensions demonstrate why the issue cannot be resolved simply by asking whether children enjoy participating. A more complete analysis would also consider the frequency of participation, the child's ability to refuse, the role of adults, the use 18 of the resulting content, and the distribution of commercial benefits. It is also important to distinguish between observable evidence and inference. The presence of a child in a video does not by itself establish that the child was compelled to participate. Similarly, a sponsored video does not independently establish the child's working conditions or the distribution of its income. The concept of digital labour provides a framework for asking these questions without presuming their answers. 


8.2 Consumption, Advertising, and the Marketable 


Child Kidfluencer culture also reveals how childhood can become connected to consumer identity. Children may appear in videos involving toys, clothing, food, games, beauty products, or other goods associated with particular age groups and lifestyles. 

In these contexts, the child may be represented both as an individual participating in an activity and as a figure whose presence makes the product more appealing to an audience. Clark and Jno-Charles connect kidfluencer culture with child labour, ethics of care, and exploitation (Clark and Jno-Charles). Their perspective encourages critical attention to the relationship between commercial activity and adult responsibilities towards children.

The commercial significance of a child may extend beyond direct product promotion. A child's recognisable personality can contribute to audience attachment, while repeated appearances may help establish continuity across a family's content. This creates an important distinction between a child as a consumer and a child as a participant in marketing. 

In the first situation, the child may be represented as someone who uses or desires a product. In the second, the child's image, performance, or participation may contribute to the promotion of that product or to the account's commercial visibility. The distinction becomes particularly complex when promotional activity is integrated into everyday experiences. A shopping trip may be represented as family entertainment while also displaying products. A game may function as play while also introducing a brand to viewers. The presence of these overlapping functions does not automatically establish wrongdoing. 

It does, however, demonstrate why children's participation in commercial media deserves careful scrutiny. The central concern is whether the economic value created through children's visibility is accompanied by appropriate attention to their welfare, privacy, participation, and interests.


9. The Indian Context: Culture, Family Values, and Digital Representation 


9.1 Indian Kidfluencers and Dominant Cultural Values 


Family vlogging in India should be examined within the cultural conditions in which families represent themselves and audiences interpret digital content. Language, religion, family relationships, gender expectations, celebrations, and consumer practices can all contribute to the meanings communicated through online videos. Sarwatay's research is especially relevant because it focuses specifically on Indian kidfluencers. 

Her analysis of selected profiles and popular videos examines parental management, brand collaborations, language, religious identities, and the enactment of family values (Sarwatay). This research demonstrates that kidfluencer culture is not simply a universal commercial practice reproduced identically in every country. 

Its representations are shaped by local cultural meanings and social expectations. For example, a family video may present traditional celebrations, religious activities, regional language, or relationships between generations. These elements can communicate cultural belonging and make the content meaningful to particular audiences. At the same time, cultural identity can become part of a family's recognisable online image. If viewers repeatedly associate an account with particular traditions, languages, lifestyles, or family values, those features may contribute to the account's visibility and audience appeal. The cultural and commercial dimensions should not be treated as mutually exclusive. 

A representation can express genuine cultural attachment while also contributing to a family's public identity or commercial opportunities. The important question is how these representations construct particular ideas of desirable childhood and family life. Which activities are presented as normal or admirable? What forms of consumption appear desirable? Which cultural identities receive visibility? Which experiences remain outside the frame? Such questions help connect kidfluencer culture to the Cultural Studies examination of representation and power. 

Sarwatay's study also cautions against treating Indian kidfluencers as a single, uniform category. Her findings concern selected accounts and videos, not every family or child who appears online. A responsible analysis must preserve that distinction rather than generalising from limited evidence.


9.2 Parental Authority, Privacy, and Children's Digital Identities  


Parents play an important role in children's online visibility. They may record videos, manage accounts, negotiate commercial relationships, select content for publication, and decide which aspects of family life become public. Parental involvement can provide support, supervision, and protection. However, it can also create a situation in which adults make decisions about a child's digital identity before the child can fully understand the possible long-term consequences. 

Elisabeth Van den Abeele, Ini Vanwesenbeeck, and Liselot Hudders investigate the tension between children's privacy and mothers' online fame in their study of momfluencers (Van den Abeele et al.). Although their research concerns Flemish influencers rather than Indian families, it offers a useful comparative perspective on parental decisions about children's visibility. The study is relevant because a parent's interest in sharing content and a child's interest in maintaining privacy may not always be identical. Similarly, Elizabeth Stoycheff and James Stoycheff examine parental responsibility for children's online privacy through an extension of the APCO framework (Stoycheff and Stoycheff). 

Their work helps establish that parents' decisions about online sharing involve questions of risk, responsibility, and protection. Briazu, Floccia, and Hanoch also investigate mothers' sharenting practices, examining how perceived risks and benefits relate to decisions to share information about young children online (Briazu et al.). Together, these studies suggest that privacy decisions are complex. Parents may recognise some risks while also valuing family communication, social connection, or the benefits of sharing. The situation becomes more complicated when a child's digital presence is connected to a commercial account. Content may remain searchable, reproducible, or available to audiences beyond those originally intended. 

A child may also have limited control over videos published when they were too young to understand their long-term significance. Consequently, parental permission and children's interests should not be treated as automatically identical. Parents may have the authority to manage a child's online presence, but responsible representation also requires consideration of the child's dignity, privacy, and developing autonomy. This is especially important when a child's public identity becomes a recurring feature of family content rather than an occasional photograph shared with a limited audience.


10. Commercialisation, Media Power, and Ethical Responsibility 



10.1 The Role of Brands, Platforms, and Parents 



The commercialisation of childhood cannot be understood solely through individual parental choices. It also involves brands, advertising practices, platform systems, audience expectations, and the wider influencer industry. Emma Beuckels's study of institutionalised sharenting examines the industry dynamics that shape children's visibility in influencer content. Her research draws attention to the role of institutional and professional practices in establishing and sustaining children's presence within influencer marketing (Beuckels). This perspective expands the discussion beyond the household. 

A family may create content, but the wider commercial environment can influence what kinds of content attract opportunities and how children's participation becomes valuable. Brands may seek content that appears relatable and emotionally engaging. Influencer agencies and other industry actors may help organise commercial relationships. Platforms provide the systems through which videos circulate and audiences interact with them. These actors do not necessarily share identical responsibilities or motivations. Nevertheless, their activities can combine to create an environment in which children's visibility becomes economically significant. 

Rotimi, Yap, and Wooliscroft's discussion of child-influencer paradoxes is useful here because it identifies tensions between autonomy, parental control, privacy, and commercial success (Rotimi et al.). The broader implication is that responsibility should not be placed exclusively on children or parents. The commercial structures surrounding family content also deserve examination. A Cultural Studies approach therefore asks who benefits from children's visibility, who controls its production, and who bears the consequences when content creates privacy or welfare concerns. 


10.2 Privacy, Children's Rights, and the Limits of Parental Consent 


The question of privacy is central to the commercialisation of childhood because digital publication can create a lasting record of experiences that children did not independently choose to make public. A child's appearance in a family video may be ordinary and harmless in the immediate context. However, the same video may later circulate beyond its original audience or become part of a persistent online identity.

Sharenting research demonstrates that parents' decisions to share information about children involve competing perceptions of benefits and risks (Briazu et al.). Research on parental privacy responsibilities likewise highlights the importance of considering the child's interests in decisions about online visibility (Stoycheff and Stoycheff). In commercial settings, these concerns intersect with questions about advertising and labour. When a child's participation helps generate commercial value, it becomes important to consider whether the child's interests are being adequately protected and whether the arrangements are transparent and appropriate. 

However, it would be inaccurate to conclude that every public family video violates a child's rights or that every commercial collaboration constitutes exploitation. Such conclusions require evidence about the specific circumstances. A responsible approach distinguishes between the general risks associated with public visibility and demonstrable harm in a particular case. It also recognises that children are not merely passive objects of adult decisions. As they grow, they may develop their own views about privacy, self-presentation, and participation. Their perspectives should be considered in age-appropriate ways. 

The central ethical question is therefore not whether children should ever appear online. It is how their representation can be managed in ways that recognise their dignity and developing autonomy while taking account of the commercial interests surrounding digital content. 


11. Contemporary Relevance and Critical Reflection 


The commercialisation of childhood is relevant to contemporary society because digital platforms increasingly connect personal communication, entertainment, identity formation, and consumer culture. Family vlogging brings these dimensions together within a familiar social setting: the household. Its cultural significance lies partly in the fact that commercial content can appear within experiences audiences understand as personal and emotional. Family affection, children's excitement, and everyday activities can all become part of an online narrative that attracts viewers. 

The work of Abidin demonstrates how family influencers can combine ordinary-looking content with the practices of influencer culture (Abidin). Sarwatay's study further shows that Indian kidfluencers' representations are connected to cultural values, consumption, parental management, and commercial visibility (Sarwatay). These findings encourage a more careful understanding of online childhood. Children may enjoy participating in videos, develop creative skills, and communicate with audiences. Family content may also preserve memories and support social connections. These possibilities should not be dismissed simply because commercialisation exists. 

At the same time, positive experiences do not remove the need to consider privacy, power, and economic interests. An activity may be enjoyable and commercially useful simultaneously. A parent may intend to celebrate a child while also producing content that contributes to a family's online visibility. The challenge is to avoid two extreme positions. The first treats family vlogging as entirely harmless because it presents family affection. The second assumes that all parental sharing is exploitative. Neither position adequately recognises the complexity of digital culture. A Cultural Studies approach provides a more productive alternative by examining the representations, economic arrangements, and power relations that shape particular practices. It also encourages audiences to become more critically aware of the content they consume. Viewers can ask how children's identities are presented, whether commercial relationships are visible, and how family intimacy contributes to the appeal of online content. 

For content creators, the discussion highlights the importance of considering children's privacy and participation. For brands and platforms, it raises questions about the responsibilities associated with commercial content featuring minors. Ultimately, the aim should not be to eliminate every form of family sharing. It should be to recognise that children's visibility carries cultural and ethical significance, especially when it becomes part of a commercial environment. 


12. Conclusion 


The commercialisation of childhood through family vlogging and kidfluencing reveals an important relationship between everyday life, cultural representation, and the digital economy. Family content may begin with ordinary experiences such as celebrations, play, shopping, or interactions between parents and children. 

When these experiences are repeatedly recorded and circulated, however, they can also contribute to audience engagement, family branding, advertising, and commercial visibility. Through the theoretical perspectives of Stuart Hall and Raymond Williams, this assignment has examined how digital representations construct meanings about childhood and connect everyday experiences to wider cultural and material relations. Abidin's research on family influencers helps explain how the appearance of authenticity can operate within influencer culture, while Sarwatay's India-specific study demonstrates the importance of cultural values, consumption, parental management, and commercial visibility in the representation of Indian kidfluencers. 

The discussion of playbour further shows that children's participation may involve both enjoyment and economic value. This complexity makes it necessary to examine the conditions of participation rather than assuming that play is always separate from labour. Research on sharenting and children's privacy also demonstrates that parental authority, children's interests, and the long-term consequences of digital visibility require careful consideration. At the same time, the commercialisation of childhood should not be treated as proof that all family vloggers exploit their children. Family content can involve affection, creativity, cultural expression, and meaningful participation. 

The critical issue is how these positive possibilities interact with commercial interests, privacy, and unequal control over representation. In the Indian context, family-vlogging practices should be understood through both the economic structures of digital media and the cultural meanings attached to language, religion, family values, and consumption. 

The subject therefore extends beyond individual parenting decisions to include the responsibilities of brands, platforms, audiences, and the wider influencer industry. Ultimately, the politics of digital representation concerns who has the power to present a child's life, how that representation acquires value, and whose interests are prioritised in the process. A responsible Cultural Studies approach recognises children as people with dignity and developing autonomy rather than treating them only as sources of entertainment or commercial attention. 

By examining the connections between childhood, family intimacy, and digital commodification, this assignment demonstrates why the commercialisation of childhood is an important issue for contemporary Cultural Studies.


13. Works Cited 



Abidin, Crystal. “#familygoals: Family Influencers, Calibrated Amateurism, and Justifying Young Digital Labor.” Social Media + Society, vol. 3, no. 2, 2017, pp. 1–15. https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305117707191. 

Archer, Catherine J., and Kate Mirandilla Delmo. “Children’s ‘Playbour’ as Influencers on Social Media: An Investigation into the Legal and Ethical Issues Surrounding Kidfluencers.” Communication Research and Practice, vol. 11, no. 3, 2025, pp. 401 416. https://doi.org/10.1080/22041451.2025.2523654. 

Beuckels, Emma. “Institutionalized Sharenting: Industry Dynamics Shaping Children’s Visibility in Influencer Content.” Social Media + Society, vol. 12, no. 1, 2026. https://doi.org/10.1177/20563051261419394. 

Briazu, Raluca A., Caroline Floccia, and Yaniv Hanoch. “Facebook Sharenting in Mothers of Young Children: The Risks Are Worth It But Only for Some.” Technology, Mind, and Behavior, vol. 2, no. 4, 2021, pp. 308–318. https://doi.org/10.1037/tmb0000051. 

Clark, Daniel R., and Alisa B. Jno-Charles. “The Child Labor in Social Media: Kidfluencers, Ethics of Care, and Exploitation.” Journal of Business Ethics, vol. 201, 2025, pp. 35–62. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-025-05953-7.

Hall, Stuart, editor. Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. SAGE Publications in association with the Open University, 1997. 

Rotimi, Irmine Keta, Sheau-Fen Yap, and Ben Wooliscroft. “Unboxing the Child Influencer Paradoxes: A Research Agenda.” Journal of Marketing Management, vol. 40, nos. 11–12, 2024, pp. 1030 1057. https://doi.org/10.1080/0267257X.2024.2405597. 

Sarwatay, Devina. “Kidfluencers in India: Commodification, Consumption, and Perpetuation of Dominant Culture.” Social Media + Society, vol. 11, no. 3, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1177/20563051251356169. 

Stoycheff, Elizabeth, and James Stoycheff. “The Custodians of Children’s Online Privacy: Extending the APCO Framework to Parental Social Media Sharing.” Communication Research and Practice, vol. 10, no. 1, 2024, pp. 76–91. https://doi.org/10.1080/22041451.2024.2322815. 

Van den Abeele, Elisabeth, Ini Vanwesenbeeck, and Liselot Hudders. “Child’s Privacy versus Mother’s Fame: Unravelling the Biased Decision-Making Process of Momfluencers to Portray Their Children Online.” Information, Communication & Society, vol. 27, no. 2, 2024, pp. 297–313. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2023.2205484. 

Williams, Raymond. Marxism and Literature. Oxford University Press, 1977. 


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